New Delhi/ Bishkek, August 31, 2026

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin will be among the most closely watched engagements at the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation Summit in Bishkek. Energy security, fertiliser supplies, defence cooperation and bilateral trade are expected to dominate their talks.

The 26th SCO Summit brings together the leaders of India, Russia, China, Iran, Pakistan and the Central Asian republics at a time of serious global uncertainty. The West Asia conflict, pressure on the Strait of Hormuz and continuing tensions between Russia and the West have added greater importance to the meeting.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi reached Bishkek after completing his state visit to Uzbekistan. He is attending the summit at the invitation of Kyrgyz President Sadyr Japarov. The main summit session is scheduled for September 1.

The summit also comes at a time when India-China relations have shown signs of gradual improvement. Yet the unresolved boundary question, China’s strategic ties with Pakistan and India’s large trade deficit continue to shape the relationship. Recent talks between National Security Adviser Ajit Doval and Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi again focused on maintaining peace along the border and working towards a mutually acceptable settlement. Reuters

The meeting with Putin has a clearer and more immediate agenda. Russia has remained a time-tested strategic partner of India. Defence, nuclear energy, space, oil, fertilisers and diplomatic coordination remain its major pillars.

Energy security is likely to receive special attention. India depends heavily on imported crude oil, and a substantial part of its supplies traditionally comes from the Gulf region through the Strait of Hormuz. The conflict in West Asia and restrictions on movement through the strait pushed India to explore alternative sources and supply routes to meet its energy requirements.

According to reports the Russia offered to divert additional crude to India when Gulf supplies were disrupted earlier this year. Russian oil had already become an important part of India’s import basket, and the additional availability helped cushion the immediate shock. India also explored supplies from other regions, used alternative shipping arrangements and encouraged refiners to maintain diversified sources, sources claimed. The Russian role, therefore, was important but formed one part of India’s wider energy response. New Delhi’s long-term objective remains diversification. It does not want excessive dependence on any single country, region or shipping route.

Fertiliser supplies are equally important. The Gulf conflict disrupted the movement of urea and other fertilisers, while reduced gas availability also created pressure on domestic production. According to the World Trade Organisation, the conflict severely affected global trade in urea and phosphate fertilisers, raising fears of higher costs and shortages in several Asian and African economies.

Russia is already an important source of fertilisers for India. Stable supplies and predictable prices would directly support Indian farmers and help the government manage the fertiliser burden. Food, fuel and fertiliser security are consequently linked parts of the expected Modi-Putin discussion.

Defence cooperation will be another major area. Much of India’s existing military equipment is of Russian origin. The relationship now also includes joint production, maintenance, spare parts and technology cooperation. India is expanding defence purchases from other countries and promoting domestic manufacturing, but Russia continues to hold an important place in its military preparedness.

The SCO itself has travelled a considerable distance since it was established in 2001 by China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. India and Pakistan became full members in 2017. Iran joined later, followed by Belarus, taking the total membership to ten.

Its original focus was regional security and action against what the grouping calls the “three evils” of terrorism, separatism and extremism. Economic cooperation, connectivity, energy, trade and cultural exchanges were gradually added to its agenda.

China and Russia increasingly project the SCO as a platform for a multipolar world. It is often described as a counterweight to Western-led institutions and American influence or Western hegemony. However, it is neither a military alliance nor a completely united political bloc.

For India, the SCO’s importance lies precisely in this difficult composition. It provides direct access to Central Asia and creates a platform where New Delhi can engage Russia, China, Iran and Pakistan together without surrendering its strategic autonomy. It also allows India to press for firm action against cross-border terrorism.

Connectivity is another Indian priority. New Delhi supports the Chabahar Port and the International North-South Transport Corridor as routes linking India with Iran, Russia and Central Asia. At the same time, it insists that regional connectivity must respect national sovereignty and territorial integrity.

Pakistan is expected to assume the next rotational presidency and host the following summit in Islamabad. It is far too early to say who will represent India there. That decision will depend on the political and security situation closer to the meeting.

For now, Bishkek offers India an opportunity to protect immediate economic interests while maintaining its larger diplomatic balance.