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Amidst the Middle-East crisis, India leverages its strategic autonomy, engaging with major global and regional powers to foster dialogue and peace.

Even before independence, India had made up its mind that it would not be sandwiched between two rival blocs. The desire for freedom was so strong among the leaders of the national movement that India organised the Afro-Asian Conference in New Delhi with the objective of creating a wave of consciousness among the poverty-stricken, downtrodden and tradition-bound countries of Asia and Africa. The idea was that these nations should not follow the dictates of the two blocs led by the Soviet Union and the United States.

In the early years after independence, the bond of cordiality and affinity between Jawaharlal Nehru and Mao Zedong was strong, despite major differences over foreign policy. Mao believed that Asia would be led by China, whereas Nehru remained firm in his conviction that Asia would be multipolar, with both China and India playing equal roles in the struggle against colonialism, imperialism and Western expansionism. This divergence of interests sowed the seeds of confrontation between the two Asian giants. The horizontal and vertical differences in their foreign-policy approaches eventually culminated in the catastrophe of the 1962 war.

On the chessboard of diplomacy, India adopted and adapted the principle of strategic autonomy even at a time when its economy was weak and constrained. 

Today, however, the story of India is very different. India is no longer merely a reactive force; it increasingly sets the agenda of global diplomacy. Its demographic dividend, digital infrastructure, plural society, multi-party democracy and fast-growing economy have strengthened India's ability to exercise strategic autonomy in an increasingly volatile and unpredictable world. More than half of India's population—larger than the combined population of Europe and the United States—is under the age of thirty.

The Middle-East crisis is now upon us. Although the world claims to be multipolar, it is still largely driven by the logic of bipolar rivalry. In this difficult environment, what India says will matter greatly, and what India does will matter even more.

In the midst of war and uncertainty, it is important to recall Prime Minister Narendra Modi's speech to the Indian diaspora in Vienna on 10 July 2024, when he said: “India has given the world Buddha, not Yuddha (war).” He also invoked Mahatma Gandhi's famous principle that “an eye for an eye makes the whole world blind.” These ideas form the very foundation of India's strategic autonomy.

In the Middle-East crisis, Indian diplomacy is being exercised on a very delicate tightrope. To navigate these turbulent waters, India must adopt a balanced, calculated and result-oriented approach. Pursuing the policy of strategic autonomy, India has the confidence and credibility to speak to all sides—whether it is the United States and Israel, or Iran.

As part of this approach, Prime Minister Modi has held discussions with the leaders of Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Oman, Qatar and other regional countries. At the same time, he has remained in close touch with the leadership of Iran. The effectiveness of India's strategic autonomy is reflected in the statements of leaders from both the European Union and Russia, who have made it clear that India possesses the moral stature to play the role of conciliation and compromise among the parties involved in the conflict.

Against this backdrop, it is striking that Pakistan—a country often accused of aiding, abetting and encouraging terrorism in various forms—has attempted to present itself on the global stage as a peacemaker. .

 Pakistan itself is facing deep internal and external challenges. It confronts internal unrest in Balochistan and continuing instability along its Afghan frontier. Under such circumstances, Pakistan has little capacity to play any meaningful role as a peacemaker. All that Islamabad can do is to provide tables and chairs to the negotiators.

To serve as a mediator, a country must enjoy the confidence and trust of all the concerned parties. India enjoys this confidence.It has had civlisational ties with Iran and strong economic partnerships with other Arab countries with more than 10 million Indians working in these countries.

India also enjoys a unique relationship of trust with Israel. In several moments of crisis and conflict, Israel has extended support and sympathy to India. From a broader strategic perspective, India is also a member of the Quad, I2U2 (India, Israel, the United States and the United Arab Emirates), and the India-Europe-Middle East Corridor initiative. Consequently, India cannot be ignored by the United States.

Over the years, the United States has granted India many of the strategic privileges and defence arrangements that are generally reserved for close allies, including LEMOA (2016), COMCASA (2018) and BECA (2020). India is also expected to play an important leadership role in BRICS and the Quad.

As part of the larger exercise of strategic autonomy, and in the greater interest of humanity, India must now channel the strength and spirit of its diplomacy into every possible forum and at every possible level. The objective should be to reduce tensions, promote dialogue and help bring an end to a conflict whose consequences are becoming increasingly dangerous, widespread and destructive.

(The writer is an international relations  expert and based in Kathmandhu, Nepal)