Kathmandu/ Bhopal June 23, 2026

By Bipin Deo

The American War of Independence influenced the freedom movement of India both extensively and intensively. In a way, Henry David Thoreau and Ralph Waldo Emerson shaped Gandhism. Similarly, Mahatma Gandhi exerted a great influence on the transformation of American society. This interconnection between two vibrant democratic societies has had an enormous impact on the diplomatic relationship between the two countries. The history of Indo-US relations is a story of cyclical ebbs and flows. To establish order in an apparently inchoate mass of events, and to catch the deep and constant undercurrents, it is necessary to trace the development of the Indo-US relationship within the framework of current dynamic geopolitics.

In the years following independence, India's foreign policy architecture was structured around the core principle of non-alignment, aiming to maintain strategic autonomy during the height of the Cold War. The nation focused heavily on Afro-Asian solidarity, playing a foundational role in the Bandung Conference (1955) and the formal establishment of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) in Belgrade (1961). Diplomatically, New Delhi sought to act as a mediator in global conflicts, notably participating in the UN-led repatriation processes during the Korean War. The guiding framework of this era prioritised peaceful coexistence, anti-colonialism, and global disarmament, steering the newly independent nation away from permanent military alliances with either global bloc. Consequently, statecraft during this period relied on multilateral diplomacy and international law rather than conventional military deterrence to safeguard national security.

In spite of repeated admonitions from the United States not to recognise China diplomatically without settling border issues, Nehru went to the extent of admitting Tibet as an integral part of China, without any assumption that the war of 1962 lay ahead of him. When the Sino-Indian conflict surfaced in 1962—occurring at the same time as the epic Cuban Missile Crisis—the United States came forward to fill the gap in India’s defence needs, more particularly its air component, despite India’s wholehearted support to China in the international arena. It may not be out of place to say that the Indo-US relationship lacked proper shape and direction during Nehru's time.

Under Indira Gandhi, the relationship went from bad to worst. Ganging up with Pakistan, the United States threatened India in the Bay of Bengal regarding India's policy toward an independent Bangladesh. Ultimately, the United States had no choice other than withdrawing its Seventh Fleet from the Bay of Bengal.

The Indo-US relationship has been steered by different driving forces over the decades. India's 1971 treaty with the Soviet Union, India-Pak wars as well as the triangular relationship between the US, China, and Pakistan, have heavily influenced the Indo-US ties. In 1998, India tackled American sanctions heroically. In the present landscape of geopolitics, the US and India must come together to find an outlet for many geopolitical problems.

At present, the India–US relationship is undergoing a severe structural disruption. The long-standing Indo-Pacific strategic alignment has noticeably altered. Bilateral trade relations face extreme friction due to tariff threats and sanctions. Similarly, multi-alignment is being severely questioned by geopolitical shifts in an anarchic global order.

In order to address these challenges, Narendra Modi and Donald Trump held a face-to-face meeting in France after a span of 16 months. In his characteristic style of expression, Trump praised Modi to the skies, comparing him to an angel and describing him as a stupendous leader of paramount strength and maturity. Within 90 hours of their face-to-face meeting, Trump went to the point of declaring that no actor in Hollywood could act like Modi. In other words, Modi was adored, appreciated, and heaped with a rich store and stock of Trumpian adjectives.

In the Trump–Modi meeting, there was a clear indication that a trade deal between the two countries would soon be declared. With regard to the Indo-Pacific, however, clarity was missing from the discourse. A tilt towards China was strong, appearing at the tip of Trump’s tongue as he emphasised government-to-government (G2G) meetings. While they appeared near and dear to each other in gesture and posture, there was less warmth in their body language—driving home a lot for those who can comprehend diplomatic body language. In the meeting between them, the craze for investment, joint ventures, and a shared journey for the development of new technologies like AI, critical minerals, and others remained strong on both sides. In the art of negotiation and persuasion, it was an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth. Both exerted insurmountable pressure on each other to the best of their ability.

As expected, the Modi–Trump meeting in France will give a new dimension and direction to the Indo-US tie, particularly in trade. The role of Sergio Gor as the American Ambassador in Delhi, Secretary of State Marco Rubio's four-day stay in Delhi, and the role of the Indian diaspora will reorient the Indo-USA relationship in a proper direction.

In the changed geopolitical picture, China is mustering its strength not only in the East China Sea and the South China Sea, but also across the wider Indo-Pacific. Its bullying towards Japan and the Philippines continues to intensify geopolitical tensions. North Korea, Iran, and Pakistan remain under the spell of China.

At present, the major challenge that both Trump and Modi face is growing fanaticism and dogmatism turning into terrorism. To protect democracy, human rights, and freedom of speech in all its forms, the United States and India must come together with shared values and shared convictions. The oldest and largest democracies have to give up the hesitation and reluctance of the past in the light of changed geopolitics.

                                                                           (The writer is a geopolitics expert based in Kathmandu, Nepal)